GERMANISM 

AND 

AMERICAN  CRUSADE 


BY 

GEORGE  D.  HERRON 

AUTHOR  OF 
THE  MENACE  OF  PEACE 
AND 
PW  WILSON  AND  THE  WORLD^   PEACE 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
AT  LOS  ANGELES 


GIFT   OF   CAPT.   AND    MRS. 
PAUL  MCBRIDE  PERIGORD 


UNIVERSITY  of  CALiJbUKni^ 

AT 

LOS  ANGELES 

LIBRARY 


GERMANISM 

AND  THE 

AMERICAN  CRUSADE 

BY 

GEORGE  D.  HERRON 

AUTHOR  OF 

THE  MENACE  OF  PEACE 

AND 

WOODROW  WILSON  AND  THE  WORLD'S  PEACE 


NEW  YORK 

MITCHELL  KENNERLEY 

1918 


5502 


COPYRIGHT    19 1 8    BY 
MITCHELL  KENNERLEY 


PRINTED  IN  AMERICA 


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IDG  I 

GERMANISM 
AND  THE  AMERICAN  CRUSADE 


EXTRACTS  FROM  LETTERS 

An  address  I  gave  to  the  theological  stu- 
dents of  Geneva.  It  seemed  to  make  much 
impression  here,  and  I  have  thought  the  inter- 
pretation of  America  which  I  have  made  might 
be  of  use  in  A  merica  itself.  It  was  given  ex- 
tempore, and  then  afterward  written  out  from 
stenographic  notes.  I  have  kept  the  spoken 
form. 

•  e  •  •  •  • 

I  wish  you  could  devise  a  way  of  getting  it 
broadcast  into  the  training  camps. 

•  ••••• 

Europe — the  world — human  destiny  for  a 
long  time — hangs  in  the  balance.  It  is  a  ter- 
rible moment.  Everything  depends  upon 
America,  and  there  is  no  time  to  be  lost. 


GERMANISM  AND  THE 
AMERICAN  CRUSADE 


WOULD  be  stupid  indeed,  and  false  to 
*•  my  faith  in  the  cause  of  the  Allies  as  well, 
were  I  either  to  deny  or  to  ignore  that  this 
cause  has  never  been  so  imperilled,  nor  the 
condition  of  Europe  so  precarious,  as  at  the 
present  moment.  Russia,  for  whom  France 
sacrificed  so  much,  no  longer  numbers  herself 
among  the  Allies.  Her  empire  shattered,  her 
momentary  government  in  the  hands  of  a  Ger- 
man Socialism,  Russia  is  now,  for  all  prac- 
tical purposes,  co-working  with  Germany 
against  the  liberties  of  the  world.  With  the 
release  of  the  German  and  Austrian  armies  on 
the  Russian  front,  and  of  the  prisoners  in  Rus- 
sia's hands,   the   Central   Empires   will   have 


4      GERMANISM   AND   THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE 

more  than  a  million  fresh  soldiers  to  throw 
against  Italy  and  France. 

And  the  Allies  have  had  to  come  to  the  de- 
fence of  Italy:  the  barbarians  are  within  her 
borders.  German  aerial  wings,  laden  with 
maddest  murder  and  destruction,  will  soon  be 
dropping  their  burdens  i  ,  on  the  babies  and 
basilicas  of  Venice  and  Verona  and  Padua — 
upon  the  Padua  wherein  we  Americans  walk 
always  softly,  and  with  penitent  hearts.  And 
who  knows  what  farther  cities — cities  sacred 
to  the  progress  of  Christ  in ^  of  civilization — 
will  also  be  rendered  desolate,  their  children 
buried  beneath  demolished  schools,  their  an- 
cient arts  and  altars  reduced  to  dust  and 
ashes? 

The  Germans  are  in  Italy,  too,  not  because 
of  their  military  superiority,  but  because  of 
their  comprehensive  and  pervasive  propa- 
ganda among  the  Italian  people — a  propa- 
ganda supported  by  the  intrigue  and  treach- 
ery of  forces  working  for  Italian  disunion  and 
denationalization.     The  mountain  gates  that 


GERMANISM   AND   THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE     5 

admitted  the  invaders  to  Italy  were  opened, 
alas!  by  traitor  hands.  And  who  can  better 
sympathize  with  the  Italian  people  than  those 
of  us  who  are  proud  of  an  American  heritage 
and  citizenship?  We  remember  that  we  had 
our  own  Benedict  Arnold  in  the  darkest  days 
of  our  War  for  Independence,  and  that  Abra- 
ham Lincoln  fought  with  treason,  both  covert 
and  open,  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of 
our  domestic  struggle  for  national  self-preser- 
vation. 

It  is  true  that  the  result  has  been  the  oppo- 
site of  what  Germany  planned.  The  real  j 
Italy  is  now  awake:  the  national  soul  of  thisj 
people,  to  whom  civilization  owes  so  much,  has 
once  more  asserted  itself.  It  is  as  if  Mazzini 
and  Cavour  and  Garibaldi  had  returned  from 
the  dead.  Against  overwhelming  odds,  and 
with  well-nigh  miraculous  endurance,  with 
heroism  that  is  epic  and  amazing,  the  Italian 
armies  are  holding  back  the  invader  until  the 
Allies  can  come  to  their  succor  in  adequate 
numbers. 


6     GERMANISM    AND    THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE 

But  here  is  the  crux  of  the  present  situation. 
France  and  England  have  despatched  to  Italy 
an  army  that  was  needed  for  their  well-planned 
offensive  on  the  Western  front.  In  compel- 
ling the  abandonment  of  that  offensive,  Ger- 
many has  won  a  swift  and  ominous  strategic 
advantage,  while  at  the  same  time  striking  the 
Italian  armies  at  the  moment  which  seemed  to 
promise  Italy's  obliteration  as  a  righting  force, 
and  her  possible  reduction  to  the  political  con- 
dition of  Russia. 

And  there  are  other  advantages,  diplomatic 
and  economic,  which  Germany  may  now  claim. 
The  resources  of  Russia  are  hers :  she  has  only 
to  take  them  when  she  wills.  Austro-Hun- 
gary  and  Turkey  are  her  vassals,  and  Bulgaria 
also.  Servia  and  Roumania  are  beneath  her 
feet.  The  submarine  menace  is  not  less:  it 
may  be  greater.  America  will  meet  the  men- 
ace to-morrow,  but  to-day  the  murder  which 
Germany  has  marshalled  upon  the  high  seas 
increases  apace. 


II 

TyUT  there  is  another  and  darker  advan- 
•*-*  tage  which  Germany  holds,  and  it  is  an 
advantage  more  menacing  to  our  essential  hu- 
manity than  all  the  might  of  her  maUik  arms. 
Germany  is  to-day  deliberately  and  system- 
atically undermining  the  moral  foundations 
of  the  world,  in  order  to  destroy  its  resisting 
power  and  subdue  it  unto  herself.  Nor  to- 
day only:  she  had  plotted  this  moral  pillage  of 
neighbor-nations  before  the  war  began — as  a 
preparation  for  the  war  indeed.  And  so  suc- 
cessfully is  she  now  pressing  forward  her  un- 
clean propaganda,  her  occult  campaigns  of  se- 
duction and  terrorization  and  coercion,  that 
Ludendorf  has  publicly  boasted  of  the  con- 
quering results. 

It  is  but  another  and  viler  war  in  which  Ger- 
many is  thus  engaged — a  psychic  war  in  fact, 

7 


8     GERMANISM    AND   THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE 

and  a  war  mayhap  pregnant  with  universal  de- 
lusion and  disaster ;  with  the  reduction  of  man- 
kind, for  a  time,  to  a  woful  condition  of  spir- 
itual squalor.  It  is  a  war  whose  weapons  are 
indeed  fashioned  in  hell — a  war  to  remove 
truth  and  honor,  fidelity  and  good  faith,  from 
political  society  and  the  intercourse  of  nations. 
It  is  a  war  so  completely  organized,  so  sinis- 
ter and  bestial,  so  subterranean  and  sulphur- 
ous, that  its  vast  and  varied  enormities  are  be- 
yond the  power  of  non-German  men  and  na- 
y  tions  to  accredit  or  imagine.  So  starkly  mon- 
I  strous  its  will  and  its  ways  are,  so  corrupting 
|  to  whoever  or  whatever  becomes  the  object  of 
its  advances,  that  the  world  simply  will  not 
believe  the  thing  exists.  There  is  no  parallel 
or  antecedent  for  it:  there  has  never  been,  so 
far  as  history  knows  or  reveals,  a  national 
mind  or  method  with  which  the  German  pene- 
tration can  be  compared.  Other  imperialisms, 
such  as  Rome  and  England,  have  betimes  used 
ribery  and  corruption  in  order  to  hold  sub- 
ect  peoples.     But  with  these  prior  imperial- 


GERMANISM    AND    THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE     9 

isms,  along  with  their  despotisms  and  debauch- 
eries of  vassal  rulers,  went  also  an  element  of 
moral  dignity,  a  degree  of  moral  addition  and 
development,  and  sometimes  a  profound  re- 
generation and  ennoblement  of  the  conquered 
tribe  or  nation.  There  has  been  nothing  in 
former  imperialist  procedure  that  even  ap- 
proached the  spiritual  debasement,  the  polit- 
ical ruin,  that  inevitably  comes  to  each  people 
that  admits  the  German  to  its  midst.  Julius 
Csesar's  descriptions  of  German  methods,  fifty 
years  before  the  birth  of  Christ,  are  as  if  they 
were  written  to-day.  He  reports  the  Germans 
as  "that  treacherous  race  which  is  bred  up 
from  the  cradle  to  war  and  rapine."  He 
speaks  bitterly  of  the  Germans  who  "practise 
the  base  deception  which  first  asks  for  peace  i 
and  then  openly  begins  war,"  and  declares  the 
Germans  to  be  "outside  the  pale  of  negotia- 
tions." 

It  is  upon  this  darker  war,  this  abominable 
psychic  penetration — which  she  is  now  extend- 
ing and  intensifying  by  methods  inconceivable 


I 


I 


10  GERMANISM    AND   THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE 

to  any  but  her  own  mentality — it  is  upon  this 
that  Germany  now  stakes  her  ultimate  hopes; 
upon  this,  rather  than  upon  her  armies,  Ger- 
many depends  for  the  ultimate  envelopment 
and  subjection  of  the  world.  She  pursues  this 
penetration  by  sinuous  economic  acquisition, 
and  by  gaining  surreptitious  control  of  the 
sources  of  credit.  She  pursues  it  by  conse- 
crating scientific  initiative  and  chemical  inven- 
tion to  a  despicable  espionage.  She  pursues 
it  through  the  inner  direction  of  religious  and 
fraternal  societies,  and  through  sottish  betray- 
als of  hospitality.  She  pursues  it  by  sending 
abroad  her  teachers,  her  doctors,  her  clerks, 
her  domestic  servants,  each  of  them  a  spy  or  a 
missionary  of  Germanism.  She  pursues  it  by 
having  her  bribed  servants  in  all  the  world's 
postal  services;  by  having  her  diplomatic 
courtesans  in  the  world's  political  centres. 
She  pursues  it  by  an  almost  universal  black- 
mail: there  is  scarcely  an  important  household 
in  France  or  England,  scarcely  a  governmen- 
tal department  or  agency,  of  whose  secrets  the 


GERMANISM    AND   THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE  11 

Germans  are  unaware.  The  evil  eyes  of  Ger- 
many run  to  and  fro  through  all  the  earth, 
and  nothing  escapes  her  pernicious  and  par- 
alyzing observation  and  invasion.  Not  for 
one  moment,  neither  in  victory  nor  in  defeat, 
does  she  relax  her  determination  to  impart  the 
German  way  and  will,  the  German  state  of 
mind,  to  every  living  people. 


Ill 

WE  are  at  war,  we  of  the  Allies,  with 
more  than  a  military  empire:  we  are 
at  war,  as  Saint  Paul  would  say,  with  the 
principalities  of  darkness,  with  the  evil  powers 
of  the  air:  we  are  at  war  with  a  diabolic  re- 
ligion. 

Make  no  mistake  about  it:  Germanism  is  as 
certainly  and  distinctly  a  religion  as  primitive 
Buddhism,  apostolic  Christianity,  or  early 
Mohammedanism  was  a  religion — but  a  re- 
ligion as  black  as  these  were  white.  Essential 
evil  has  been  taken  by  the  German  national 
soul  to  be  its  good,  to  be  its  god.  The  jungle- 
inheritance  which  man  has  so  long  and  yet  un- 
successfully sought  to  transmute  or  discard, 
the  persisting  primeval  mind  that  oppresses 
and  rots  the  nations — it  is  these  that  Germany 

prays  as  well  as  fights  to  preserve,  and  the 

12 


GERMANISM    AND   THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE  13 

marauding  might  that  issues  from  these  is  her 
chosen  summum  bonum. 

Germanism  is  the  worship  and  practice  of 
material  might  as  the  Supreme  Power,  the  re- 
gard ur  material  efficiency  as  Utie  Supreme 
Good.  This  is  the  only  taitn  which  the  Ger- 
man tribes  have  ever  consistently  held,  ever 
truly  concentrated  upon.  It  is  the  core  of 
their  creeds,  the  centre  and  circumference  of 
their  philosophies.  Their  mysticisms,  in  the 
last  analysis,  are  the  hallowings  of  sheer  power 
— a  pillar  of  cloud  about  materialist  altars. 
Even  Luther's  appeal  and  stay  were  Jehovis- 
tic  might.  So  assertive  and  formative  this 
faith  has  been,  especially  since  the  time  of  Bis- 
marck and  Marx,  that  the  German  collectiv- 
ity has  created  an  actual  psychic  entity,  a  sort 
of  national  super-mind,  that,  enthroned  and 
dominant,  answers  to  all  the  purposes  of  a 
fearful  and  effectual  deity. 

Yes,  the  Germans  have  literally  made  for 
themselves  a  god  after  their  own  image,  and 
have    delivered    themselves    bound    into    his 


14  GERMANISM    AND   THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE 

hands.  They  are  so  mastered  and  maddened, 
so  blinded  and  besotted,  by  the  monstrous 
thing  they  have  made,  they  have  so  passed  into 
the  service  of  this  world-abomination,,  that  it 
may  be  there  is  left  to  them  no  power  whereby 
they  may  deliver  themselves. 


IV 


THE  winter  will  decide;  for  it  offers  Ger- 
many the  chance  to  deliver  herself  from 
the  god  she  has  created;  and  if  she  does  not 
now  see  and  seize  the  chance,  then  her  deliv- 
erance must  come  from  without. 

She  must  not  count  upon  her  present  mili- 
tary advantage.  Not  because  of  that  advan- 
tage will  the  Allies  lay  down  their  arms;  nor 
will  America  sheathe  the  sword  she  has  drawn 
— not  if  perchance  all  Europe  be  beneath  the 
German  dominion  for  a  time. 

The  advantage  which  Germany's  military 
ascendency  now  gives  her  is  this: — belikely 
her  last  opportunity  to  redeem  herself  in  the 
eyes  of  the  world,  and  to  avert  her  own  ulti- 
mate destruction.  She  can  now,  without  de- 
feat or  humiliation  to  herself,  propose  terms 
of  peace  that  shall  make  way  for  the  society 

15 


16  GERMANISM   AND   THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE 

of  nations,  thus  revealing  whether  or  no  there 
be  a  moral  remnant  among  her  leaders,  a  sav- 
ing repentance  amongst  her  tribes.  She  can 
say  to  the  world  that  the  war  has  lasted  long; 
that  millions  are  dead,  and  the  battles  have 
brought  no  decision;  and  that  now  civilization 
is  on  the  brink  of  the  precipice.  She  can  fur- 
thermore say  that,  in  view  of  the  price  that  has 
already  been  paid,  and  in  order  to  avert  the 
further  crucifixion  of  humanity,  she  will  her- 
self propose  precise  and  persuasive  terms  of 
peace.  Let  her  proclaim  the  complete  and  un- 
conditional restoration  of  Belgium  and  the  oc- 
cupied portions  of  France.  Let  her  return 
Alsace-Lorraine  to  France,  and  the  possession 
of  every  part  of  Poland  and  of  Russia.  Let 
her  request  that  Austria  take  a  like  attitude 
towards  the  Serbs  and  the  Italians.  Let  her 
propose,  in  fine,  the  instant  and  honest  re- 
making of  the  map  of  Europe  according  to  the 
respective  wishes  of  the  European  peoples, 
and  the  submission  of  all  international  ques- 
tions to  the  conference  for  peace,  or  to  the 


GERMANISM    AND    THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE  17 

tribunal  which  the  resultant  society  of  nations 
may  erect.  Were  Germany  wise  and  able 
now  to  take  this  great  initiative,  to  make  the 
supreme  beau  geste,  she  would  do  for  herself 
in  a  day  what  the  battles  of  a  hundred  years 
could  not  accomplish.  She  would  change  her 
present  position  of  a  hated  outlaw  among  the 
nations  to  one  of  fraternity  and  healing  help- 
fulness. 

And  if  the  beau  geste  is  beyond  her  mind 
or  imagination,  if  she  is  altogether  incapable 
of  accepting  the  divine  chance,  it  is  not  prob- 
able she  will  ever  again  be  consulted  as  to  the 
terms  of  the  peace  that  shall  finally  be  made. 
If  she  fails  to  enter  the  door  now  open,  it  will 
not  open  again:  it  will  close  down  upon  her 
and  her  present  political  existence  forever. 
She  will  not  again  be  permitted  to  discuss  or 
to  choose:  she  can  thenceforth  have  only  such 
terms  as  shall  be  imposed  upon  her  by  the  hu- 
manity that  has  suffered  such  immeasurable 
debasement  and  misery  at  her  hands.  She  will 
be  placed  in  such  bonds,  or  be  so  divided,  as 


18  GERMANISM    AND   THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE 

to  make  it  impossible  that  she  ever  again  have 
power  to  inflict  what  she  has  inflicted  upon  the 
world  these  last  four  years — indeed,  these  last 
forty  years — yea,  these  twenty  centuries  and 
more.  Whether  the  decision  comes  in  two 
years  or  twenty,  and  even  if  she  yet  have  Eu- 
rope awhile  beneath  her  feet,  the  sword  which 
America  has  drawn  will  not  be  sheathed  until 
Germanism  is  destroyed  from  the  face  of  the 
earth. 


V 


EUROPE  is  only  beginning  to  understand 
America,  and  that  very  dimly.  Permit 
me,  as  a  middle-west  American,  to  venture 
upon  an  interpretation. 

We  Americans  are  still  essentially  a  pioneer 
race.  Our  composite  population  is  made  up 
of  peoples  who  mostly  left  Europe  for  some 
sort  of  freedom,  religious,  political,  economic. 
We  are  not  yet  far  removed  from  our  pioneer 
past.  The  ancestral  impulse  is  still  ours. 
However  contradictory  and  unrealizable  may 
have  been  some  of  our  ideals  and  efforts,  we 
have  not  yet  given  over  our  original  quest  of 
The  Golden  Society.  We  are  still  political 
and  religious  pioneers.  Our  fabulous  indus- 
trial development  has  not  submerged  The 
Great  Hope  which  set  the  feet  of  our  fathers 

19 


20  GERMANISM    AND    THE    AMERICAN    CRUSADE 

upon  the  coasts  and  amidst  the  forests  and  the 
prairies  of  the  new  world. 

We  are  also  the  most  sentimental,  the  most 
idealistic,  of  the  nations;  and  this  despite  our 
high  finance,  ourinaustrial  despotisms,  our  po- 
litical corruptions.  Even  our  money-making 
has  been  of  the  nature  of  a  sport,  and  has  had 
in  it  a  certain  idealistic  element.  Those  of  us 
who  have  been  the  severest  critics  of  American 
capitalism  have  yet  recognized  that  it  did  not 
represent  essential  Americanism. 

Mere  wealth  has  not  been  an  end  in  itself 
with  the  American  money-maker :  we  have  not 
made  money  for  its  own  sake.  Our  pursuit  of 
wealth  has  always  been  a  game  to  be  played, 
a  rivalry  to  be  entered  into,  with  some  sort  of 
ideal  for  its  goal.  And  once  he  is  stirred  and 
seized  by  some  strong  universal  responsibility, 
the  American  pursuit  of  the  gold  that  perish- 
eth  can  easily  be  converted  into  the  pursuit  of 
the  gold  that  is  hid  in  the  heart  of  God,  and 
that  must  therein  be  gathered  for  immediate 
mortal  uses.     The  best  evidence  of  this  is  the 


GERMANISM    AND   THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE  21 

fact  that  we  have  entered  upon  this  stupen- 
dous war,  not  knowing  to  what  ends  it  may 
compel  us,  yet  knowing  it  to  be  in  square  con- 
flict with  our  material  interests,  mayhap  con- 
suming the  wealth  we  have  been  a  hundred 
years  upheaping. 

Again,  the  substratum  of  our  national  life 
is  unconsciously  yet  profoundly  permeated  by 
a  curious  blend  of  two  great  influences  coming 
out  of  Geneva.  Our  primal  national  spirit  is 
a  mingling  of  Calvin  and  Rousseau.  Rous- 
seau is  the  spiritual  author  of  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  which  Jefferson  penned ;  and 
those  recurring  religious  movements  which 
sweep  over  American  life,  so  quickly  and  vari- 
ously affecting  it,  are  Calvinistic  in  their  gen- 
esis— even  movements  which  take  on  theoreti- 
cal expressions  contradictory  to  Calvinism, 
such  as  Christian  Science,  or  the  earlier 
churches  that  had  the  Wesleys  for  their  found- 
ers. The  Genevan  blend  is  also  in  our  teach- 
ers and  leaders :  you  may  find  both  Calvin  and 
Rousseau  in  the  souls  of  Abraham  Lincoln  and 


22  GERMANISM    AND   THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE 

Woodrow  Wilson.  In  one  fashion  or  an- 
other, articulate  or  inarticulate,  the  idea  of  the 
visible  kingdom  of  God  on  earth,  coexistent 
with  and  including  the  natural  right  ofeach 
individual  to  his  own  free  life  and  develop- 
ment,  has  always  been  potential  in  American 
expectation  and  purpose.  The  theocratic  and 
democratic  principles,  inextricably  bound  up 
with  each  other,  are  always  somewhere  in  the 
American  midst,  even  in  the  deepest  shadows 
of  our  financial  and  political  corruption. 

And  behind  this  politico-theological  inherit- 
anee,*"and  deeper  than  all  else,  is  an  inerad- 
icable suspicion  that  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount 
is  practicable;  that  Christ  is  the  actual  Lord 
of  the  earth.  Incredible  as  it  seems,  and  how- 
ever unintelligent  and  unorganized,  this  belief 
in  Christ  is  no  less  the  living  foundation  of 
American  society.  And  our  Gargantuan  for- 
tunes, our  fabulous  industrial  development,  the 
wealth  we  have  heaped  up  beyond  all  count- 
ing,— these  have  never  been  able  to  abolish  or 
overbear  a  persistent  though  reticent  faith  that 


GERMANISM   AND    THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE  23 

the  practice  of  Christ  would  yet  prevail  in  our 
politics  and  wealth-making,  and  prove  itself 
the  solution  of  our  mortal  problems.  This 
faith  has  been  rarely  confessed;  and  it  has  al- 
ways floundered  in  the  face  of  social  facts  and 
forces.  But  it  was  always  there,  concealed  in 
even  our  boisterous  commercialism,  and  it  only 
needed  a  supreme  crisis  to  first  precipitate  it, 
and  then  to  have  it  effectuate  itself  in  a  renas- 
cence of  apostolic  Christian  purpose. 

It  is  this  that  Europe  does  not  understand, 
neither  Germany  nor  the  Allies.  If  Germany 
understood,  she  would  seek  an  unconditional 
peace  to-morrow.  If  the  Allies  fully  under- 
stood, there  would  be  no  question  of  a  nego- 
tiated peace. 

It  is  incredible  that,  for  the  first  time  in  the 
earth's  annals,  a  great  and  powerful  people  j 
has  gone  to  war  for  humanity,  for  an  abstract 
ideal,  and  against  its  own  material  interests. 
But,  unbelievable  as  it  is,  it  is  true:  America 
has  gone  to  war  for  the  purpose  of  cleaning 
up  the  world,  and  of  ridding  it  of  war  and 
Germanism  forever. 


VI 

GERMANY  has  deceived  herself  as  to  the 
quality  of  our  common  American 
pacifism.  The  reluctance  of  America  to  en- 
ter the  war,  or  to  believe  that  it  could  long  con- 
tinue, was  interpreted  as  indicative  of  a  non- 
militant  national  soul.  It  is  true  that,  for  a 
long  time,  the  encircling  catastrophe  did  seem 
to  us  impossible.  We  felt  that  it  must  be  some 
vast  and  horrible  delirium,  some  devil's  dream, 
from  which  we  should  awaken.  It  was  against 
a  half-century  of  American  expectation.  We 
had  come  to  really  believe  that,  in  spite  of  our 
political  and  industrial  sins,  in  spite  of  the 
world's  materialism,  we  were  approaching  the 
threshold  of  international  arbitration  and  fed- 
eration, opening  into  an  ultimate  good-will  be- 
tween nations  and  societies  and  individuals. 
It  took  us  two  years  to  get  it  into  our  heads 

24 


GERMANISM    AND    THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE  25 

that  such  a  thing  as  the  present  world-war 
could  actually  be,  or  that  the  deeds  which  the 
German  soldiers  did  were  real.  Slowly,  in- 
deed, did  the  thing  become  credible ;  slowly  did 
its  meaning  penetrate  the  American  mind. 

But  when  we  did  perceive  the  catastrophe 
and  the  crisis  it  had  precipitated,  when  we  be- 
gan to  lay  hold  of  the  meaning  of  it  all,  we 
were  then  moved  by  a  sense  of  responsibility 
that  was  new  and  strange  in  the  conscience  and 
the  conduct  of  nations.  There  grew  within 
us  a  quiet  but  no  less  relentless  resolution  to 
hunt  out  and  destroy  the  political  sy stern  con- 
secrated to  the  preparations  and  mobilizations 
of  the  hell  which  the  Germans  had  loosed  upon 
the  earth.  We  determined  to  make  it  impos- 
sible that  the  like  of  this  should  ever  again 
happen  to  mankind.  We  began  to  feel,  very 
soon,  that  unto  us  was  amazingly  given  the  di- 
VJne  chan^P  nf  cjnfifng  up  fl]p_n|f|  WfVJfl  _fl"d 

its  political  methods ;  and  that  it  furthermore 
rested  with  us  to  lay  living  foundations  for  a 
world  wherein  should  be  none  but  democratic 


i 


26  GERMANISM    AND    THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE 

and  cooperative  peoples.  We  began  to  see 
in  the  pan-German  idea  and  assault  the  con- 
centration and  citadel  of  all  the  wrong  forces 
of  history,  thus-gathered  for  their  final  strug- 
gle with  the  forces  that  make  for  the  free  and 
federate  humanity. 

Now  if  Europe  had  looked  deeply  enough, 
or  the  German  diplomats  who  had  been  in 
America  had  had  any  eyes  of  understanding, 
it  would  have  been  seen  that  American  non- 
militarism  is  not  non-militantism.  We  had 
ceased  to  be  a  military  people,  it  is  true.  We 
had  become  pacifist  in  the  sense  that  we  be- 
lieved the  military  method  of  settling  disputes 
belonged  to  an  unreturning  and  barbarous 
past.  We  had  come  to  look  upon  war  as  an- 
achronistic, as  having  no  place  in  a  decent  or 
advancing  civilization.  But  because  we  were  in 
this  sense  non-militarist,  it  was  a  fatal  mis- 
take, on  the  part  of  Germany,  not  to  discern 
that  we  Americans  are  the  most  militant  of 
the  nations. 

But  such  we  were, — such  we  are, — as  our 


GERMANISM    AND    THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE  27 

present  procedure  proves.  We  had  merely 
transferred  our  militancy  from  the  savagery  of 
war  to  spiritual  and  social  inquiry  and  adven- 
ture. American  youths  were  preparing  to 
make  war  on  the  unknown ;  to  wring  from  na- 
ture her  secrets ;  to  find  out  the  truth  about  the 
kingdom  of  heaven;  to  make  the  world  a  free 
and  decent  habitation,  an  equal  invocation  and 
opportunity,  a  place  of  brave  and  abundant 
and  beauteous  life,  for  all  the  sons  and  daugh- 
ters of  men. 

It  was  Germany  that  blindly  summoned  this 
American  militancy  to  action:  she  gave  the 
fundamental  American  motive  a  grim  but  glo- 
rious opportunity.  In  playing  for  herself  the 
devil's  game,  she  has  unknowingly  called  into 
the  arena  a  nation  that  will  now  play  one  of 
God's  great  games,  and  play  it  consciously 
and  constantly  till  it  is  won0  And  the  provi- 
dential nature  of  our  summons  and  response 
is  well-attested  by  a  leadership  that  appears 
but  rarely  amidst  the  centuries,  and  then  in 
times  of  great  crisis.     I  refer,  of  course,  to 


28  GERMANISM    AND   THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE 

President  Woodrow  Wilson,  whose  deepening 
faith  and  unshakable  resolution  we  follow. 

America  now  sees  here  in  central  Europe, 
coming  out  of  the  German  lands,  an  ancient 
spiritual  monstrosity,  a  surviving  primeval 
enormity,  ever  and  anon  breaking  forth,  when- 
ever it  reckons  its  might  sufficient,  to  steal  or 
destroy  the  fruits  of  man's  efforts  toward  a 
spiritual  civilization — toward  a  society  that 
shall  be  entirely  civil  and  really  free.  For  two 
thousand  years,  out  of  these  German  forests 
and  fogs,  Europe's  destroyers  have  come. 
How  many  times  has  not  Italy  been  laid  waste 
by  the  Germans  and  been  brought  under  their 
despotism?  What  European  nation,  large  or 
small,  has  not  had  to  fight  for  its  life  against 
the  Germans  or  their  dynasts?  What  effort 
toward  upward  change,  including  her  own 
Protestant  Reformation,  has  not  been  visited 
with  Germany's  sword  and  savagery?  Except 
for  the  brief  time  when  Napoleon  drove  the 
beast  to  its  lair,  the  German  terror  has  been 
always  upon  Europe. 


GERMANISM   AND   THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE  29 

And  now  America  has  determined,  not 
merely  to  drive  this  terror  to  its  lair,  but  to 
destroy  it  utterly.  America  is  convinced  that 
there  can  be  no  society  of  nations,  that  the 
peace  of  good-will  can  never  prevail,  that 
there  can  be  no  continually-ascending  social 
evolution,  until  this  evil  thing  is  felled  and  fin- 
ished. America  sees  that  Germanism,  how- 
ever difficult  it  may  be  to  define,  is  the  enemy 
of  mankind ;  the  enemy  of  a  common  spiritual 
promise;  the  enemy  of  international  morality; 
the  enemy  of  social  fraternity.  Fraternity 
can  have  no  chance,  neither  democracy  nor 
freedom,  nor  the  whole  thing  that  Christ 
meant,  until  this  reeking  dragon  of  German- 
ism is  slain.  And  we  Americans  are  resolved, 
God  helping  us,  not  to  sheathe  the  sword  until 
we  slay  it. 

YeSj  Germanism  has  to  be  brought  to  an 
end;  the  thing  has  to  be  accomplished;  Amer- 
ica has  gone  forth  for  tliis  accomplishment. 
Germanism  and  Americanism  cannot  stay  to- 
gether in  the  same  world:  be  it  to-day  or  a  him- 


I 


3 


GERMANISM    AND   THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE 

dred  years  hence,  one  or  the  other  must  go. 
The  iron  of  God  has  gone  deeply  into  the 
American  soul,  and  in  the  strength  thereof  has 
America  gone  forth,  and  gone  forth  never  to 
retreat.  With  the  thing  that  Germany  now  is 
and  means  we  shall  not  negotiate,  we  shall  not 
compromise.  Either  she  utterly  and  at  once 
repents,  becoming  hence  the  complete  oppo- 
site of  what  she  now  is,  or  America  will  march 
forth  for  Germany's  military  and  imperial  de- 
struction. 

And  we  intend  not  only  to  destroy  German- 
ism, nor  only  to  make  the  world  safe  for  de- 
mocracy: we  intend  to  make  way  for  every- 
thing that  makes  hopeful  the  inner  struggle  of 
mankind  upward.  You  have  only  to  look  into 
the  faces  of  the  splendid  young  tliau^atldsj?ow 
gathering  in  France. — divinely  awful  with  a 

i  youth  the  like  of  which  this  world  has  never 
before  beheld, — whole  regiments  made  up  of 
men  from  our  higher  schools  and  universities, 

I  — men  who  are  not  herded  and  docile  human 
animals  but  resolved  and  radiant  individuals, 


GERMANISM    AND   THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE  31 

— you  have  but  to  look  in  the  faces  of  these,  j 
and  you  may  read  therein  the  soul  of  an  Amer-i 
ican  nation  become  conscious  of  its  world-mis- J 
sion,  aflame  with  righteous  judgment,  and  with! 
a  creative  purpose  that  sources  in  Christ. 

Germany  must  now  understand,  even  our 
Allies  need  yet  to  understand,  that  the  more 
deeply  we  are  involved  in  the  war,  the  more  de- 
voted thereto  shall  we  become,  the  more  re- 
lentless though  resplendent  will  be  our  resolu- 
tion. Even  if  Germany  should  yet  win  victo- 
ries that  seem  complete  for  a  time ;  even  if  she 
fulfil  her  boast  of  defeating  France  and  Eng- 
land before  we  can  fight  beside  them  in  suffi- 
cient force ; — even  so,  America  will  never  make 
peace  with  a  victorious  Germany. 

Europe  must  understand  that  we  are  capa- 
ble of  becoming  a  nation  of  high  fanatics. 
Every  day  the  war  continues  makes  it  more 
and  more  to  the  American  mind  a  religious 
war,  a  holy  war.  We^areenterinffugpn  a 
veritable  crusade,  Tiith  i  fjnrnrd  ooinnrgritrrl 
not  only  on  the  altars  of  the  world's  revolu- 


32  GERMANISM    AND   THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE 

tions,  but  upon  the  very  altar  of  Christ's  prom- 
ise of  the  kingdom  of  heaven.  And  ours  will 
not  be  such  as  the  crusade  once  derided  by 
Ruskin, — "a  crusade  to  rescue  the  tomb  of  a 
dead  god," — but  a  crusade  to  make  way  for 
the  coming  of  the  living  Christ  into  the  total 
life  of  humanity.  If  you  listen  deeply 
enough,  you  may  hear  in  the  tramp  of  these 
millioned  American  youths  the  mystic  march 
of  the  armies  of  Christ,  fore-pictured  by  St. 
John  in  the  Apocalypse.  And  if  you  watch 
closely  the  development  of  the  American  soul, 
is  it  ascends  through  these  youthful  hosts,  you 
all  find  that  in  some  rude  yet  glowing  way 
these  count  the  death  they  may  or  must  die  as 
the  greatest  opportunity  that  life  could  have 
riven  them;  and  they  account  it  so  because 
[they  are  instinct  with  the  idea  that  they  are 
■not  only  cleaning  up  the  present  evil  world, 
but  are  also  filling  the  whole  human  future 
with  opportunity  and  promise  such  as  man- 
kind has  never  before  possessed. 


VII 

AMERICA  and  Germany  stand  over 
against  each  other  as  respective  cham- 
pions of  two  opposing  conceptions  of  man, 
two  irreconcilable  reasons  for  being. 

German  history  and  evolution  proceed  upon 
the  idea  of  the  state  as  the  supreme  end  of 
historic  man,  the  final  earthly  expression  of 
the  will  of  God,  and  therefore  super-moral 
and  above  law.  In  this  conception,  man  is 
but  an  efficient  instrument  at  best,  and  a  serv- 
ile creature  always,  owned  by  the  state  and  ex- 
isting for  its  expansion  and  dominion:  as  an 
individual,  having  a  dignity  and  destiny  of  his 
own,  he  does  not  exist.  Indeed,  not  in  Ger- 
man thought,  much  less  in  German  institu- 
tions, does  either  individuality  or  its  candid 
recognition  have  place.  The  German  state  is 
the  negation  of  individuality :  it  exists  and  ex- 

33 


34  GERMANISM   AND   THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE 

pands,  it  conquers  and  compels,  by  virtue  of 
its  conscription  of  the  individual's  mental  and 
moral  being. 

Whether  it  be  her  evil  penetration  of  other 
nations,  or  her  close  control  of  her  own  tribes 
and  states,  it  is  in  this  conscription  of  the  soul 
that  German  power  consists — a  conscription 
subjecting  the  citizen  to  an  automatism  that  is 
the  very  perfection  of  slavery.  It  is  a  slavery, 
too,  that  is  all  the  more  stultifying  and  besot- 
ting because  of  its  concealment  in  an  impos- 
ing precision  and  parade  of  organization.  The 
German  does  not  understand,  the  international 
apostles  of  German  efficiency  do  not  see,  and 
least  of  all  is  it  discerned  by  that  masquerade 
of  Germanism  which  terms  itself  Marxian  and 
socialist,  that  the  authoritarian  order  which 
they  admire  is  built  upon  the  soul's  ordained 
but  disguised  degradation. 

In  contradistinction  to  Germanism,  Amer- 
ican ideals  and  institutions  have  their  birth  and 
being  in  a  sincere  faith  in  democracy,  and  are, 
despite  betrayed  hopes  and  baffling  blunders, 


GERMANISM    AND   THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE  35 

a  stupendous  attempt  at  democratic  realiza- 
tion. To  this  democracy,  and  in  the  debates 
and  events  which  have  determined  America's 
evolution  as  a  nation,  the  right  of  each  man  to 
completely  be,  the  affirmation  of  his  worth  in 
and  to  himself,  is  fundamental;  and  equally 
fundamental  is  the  responsibility  of  political 
and  social  institutions  for  furnishing  him  the 
freedom  and  opportunity  that  make  complete 
being  possible.  It  is  what  he  is  in  himself,  it 
is  the  fullness  and  effectiveness  of  his  individ- 
uality, that  constitutes  his  political  and  social 
value;  and  society  or  the  state  have  value  to 
him  according  to  the  measure  and  the  means 
these  provide  for  the  realization  of  his  selfhood 
in  the  joyous  service  of  his  fellows.  States 
and  governments  exist,  according  to  Amer- 
ican or  democratic  theory,  for  no  other  purpose 
than  the  making  of  man,  and  are  judged  ac- 
cording to  their  success  or  failure  in  the  ful- 
filment of  this  purpose.  It  was  in  this  pur- 
pose the  American  Revolution  was  conceived, 
as  were  also  the  French  and  English  Revolu- 


36  GERMANISM    AND   THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE 

tions;  and  it  is  in  the  fulfilment  of  this  pur- 
pose that  the  American  people  have  gone, 
however  blindly  and  unworthily  betimes,  upon 
their  political  way. 


VIII 

NOR  is  the  American  or  democratic  con- 
ception of  man  other  than  the  expres- 
sion, in  political  terms,  of  the  idea  of  Christ. 
The  early  Christian  idea,  that  which  themed 
all  that  Christ  and  his  apostles  said  and  did, 
consisted  in  the  revelation  and  assertion  of  the 
universal  worth  of  the  single  soul — of  society's 
responsibility  to  and  for  it,  of  its  responsibil- 
ity to  and  for  society.  According  to  this  idea, 
it  is  for  the  fulness  of  the  individual,  in  ac- 
cordant association  with  other  individuals,  that 
the  universe  unfolds.  It  is  with  the  complete 
creation  of  men  in  his  own  image  that  the  God 
of  Christ  occupies  himself.  And  the  stars  in 
their  courses,  the  temples  and  their  religions, 
the  states  and  their  governments,  the  fruits  of 
the  fields  and  the  researches  of  the  intellect, 

37 

136502 


38  GERMANISM   AND    THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE 

have  no  other  reason  for  being  than  the  evoca- 
tion of  each  man's  divine  identity. 

Christ  conceived  of  humanity  as  one  living 
and  eternal  organism — an  organism  which 
cannot  be  made  perfect  except  through  the  per- 
fecting of  each  of  its  members.  Not  until  the 
downmost  man  is  redeemed  unto  fulness  of 
being,  not  until  the  last  man  has  achieved  a  will 
that  is  one  with  the  divine  will, — not  till  then 
can  the  human  totality  become  harmonious 
and  unwasting  and  happy:  and  until  then  the 
human  collectivity,  the  whole  visible  and  invis- 
ible communion  of  man,  is  deranged  and  dis- 
cordant and  imperilled.  The  rights  and  the 
responsibilities  of  the  individual,  therefore, 
and  the  orchestration  and  upward  constancy 
of  the  collectivity, — these  constitute  one  and 
the  self-same  problem — a  problem  whose  solu- 
tion is  identical  with  the  truth  and  the  tri- 
umph of  the  Christ. 

It  is  precisely  the  truth  that  is  in  Christ,  it 
is  his  doctrine  of  man  and  the  triumph 
thereof,  that  are  predicated  by  the  mobiliza- 


GERMANISM   AND   THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE  39 

tion  of  Americanism  against  Germanism.  It 
is  his  profounder  coming  that  is  being  pre- 
pared, if  we  will  have  it  so,  by  the  American 
crusade  for  a  democratic  and  federate  world. 
The  Great  War  is  our  summons  and  opportu- 
nity to  invoke  his  universal  and  culminative 
appearing.  Whether  or  no  we  shall  soon  see 
him  as  he  is,  whether  or  no  we  shall  behold  him 
as  the  very  centre  and  uniting  law  of  our  hu- 
manity, depends  upon  how  we  conduct  the  war 
to  its  conclusion.  If  we  discern  not  or  deny 
the  day  of  our  visitation;  if  we  dare  not  risk 
the  heroic  individual  and  institutional  repent- 
ance which  the  light  of  him  relentlessly  re- 
quires; if  we  seek  coward  cover  in  the  dark- 
ness of  compromise,  essaying  peace  where 
there  is  no  peace; — if  so  the  uplifted  Son  of 
Man  be  by  us  again  cast  down,  then  it  must 
be  left  to  a  nobler  generation  to  prepare  his 
completer  and  completing  presence  in  the 
world. 


IX 


BETWEEN  the  German  conception  of 
i  r)  4n  as  a  creature  of  the  herd,  as  a  me- 
chanical and  disciplined  human  tool  of  the 
state,  .*nd  the  Aint^ican  and  apostolio  concep- 
tion ox  man  as  a  free  son  of  God,  there  can  be 
neither  peace  nor  truce  nor  parley.  Laden 
wiLft  predestinative  consequences  to  all  men 
and  every  nation,  constituting  the  world's 
most  definitive  crisis,  the  conflict  between 
these  two  life-conceptions  is  upon  us.  We  can- 
not postpone  or  escape  it:  the  issue  will  have 
to  be  fought  out:  one  or  the  other  conception 
must  possess  the  world :  if  not  to-day,  then  to- 
morrow the  decision  must  be  reached.  And 
whatever  it  be,  proceeding  as  it  does  from  a 
struggle  for  the  possession  of  our  whole  plane- 
tary life,  it  will  determine,  as  I  have  said,  our 
common  direction  and  destiny  for  a  long  time 

40 


GERMANISM    AND    THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE  41 

to  come,  and  with  an  irrevocable  finality.  We 
shall  be  choosing  between  darkest  hnmar  nighJ 
and  a  new  human  day — between  profound 
spiritual  reaction  arH  vast  spiritual  expansion 
— between  the  soul's  long  repression  and  its 
quick  enlargement  and  ascension. 

Essentially  and  practically,  the  war  which 
the  German  Empire  is  now  carrying  on  is 
nothing  else  than  a  war  against  the  human  soul 
— against  the  right  of  the  soul  to  self-deter- 
mination and  self -ownership,  to  its  own  voli- 
tion, experience  and  development.  The  brag 
and  the  might  of  the  German  arms,  the  glam- 
our and  the  cheat  of  German  material  effi- 
ciency, the  physical  ease  and  relief  from  re- 
sponsibility which  the  German  state  and  its 
systems  provide, — these  constitute  the  Great 
Seducer,  the  Great  Destroyer,  the  Devouring 
Dragon  of  the  Apocalypse;  these  are  the  su- 
preme assault  of  the  powers  of  darkness  upon 
the  soul  and  upon  society — upon  the  forces 
that  would  identify  our  human  nature  with  the 
nature  of  God. 


42  GERMANISM    AND    THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE 

Americanism,  on  the  other  hand,  so  far  as 
its  place  and  purpose  in  this  war  are  con- 
cerned, is  identical  with  essential  Christianism 
— with  the  soul's  round  redemption  and  as- 
cendency. The  idea  which  Christ  first  pro- 
jected among  men — the  idea  of  a  human  soci- 
ety so  inclusive  and  considerate  and  consecra- 
tive  that  it  can  only  be  described  as  the  king- 
dom of  heaven — this  idea  is,  after  all,  the 
perennial  charter  of  our  western  world.  And 
our  American  youths,  no  matter  what  their  im- 
mediate mind  about  the  matter,  have  gone 
forth  as  the  actual  soldiers  of  this  divine  idea. 
The  sword  they  have  drawn  against  German- 
ism— against  Germanism  with  its  evil  fore- 
sight, against  Germanism  with  its  unimagin- 
able Satanic  craft,  against  Germanism  with  its 
long-developed  purpose  to  subdue  the  earth 
and  conscript  the  soul — the  sword  which 
America  has  thus  drawn  is  none  other  than  the 
sword  of  the  Son  of  God. 

The  war  may  last  long,  and  terrors  yet  in- 
conceivable come  upon  us  and  increase — may 


GERMANISM    AND    THE    AMERICAN    CRUSADE  43 

last  till  cherished  institutions  prove  futile  and 
fall  away;  may  last  until  deep  night  enclose 
all  peoples  for  awhile.  But  if  Satan  be  let 
loose  for  a  season,  it  is  that  we  may  discern 
and  destroy  him,  so  that  his  authority  be  upon 
states  and  societies  no  more.  It  is  true  that  it 
is  not  given  to  us  to  know  the  times  and  the 
modes  of  his  ending,  nor  through  what  trib- 
ulations we  may  pass  ere  we  reach  it.  But 
this  we  may  know  and  need  not  doubt, — if  we 
are  able  to  receive  it, — that  the  kingdoms  of 
this  world  are  on  the  way  to  become  the  king- 
dom of  our  God  and  his  Christ;  and  that  this, 
and  nothing  less  than  this,  is  the  meaning  of 
these  terrible  but  marvellous  days — a  mean- 
ing, too,  depending  not  upon  the  teachers  for 
its  revelation  and  report,  but  soon  by  the  peo- 
ples to  be  perceived  and  proclaimed. 

The  air  is  even  now  astir  with  news;  al- 
ready, some  strange  new  faith  is  unfolding. 
There  is  an  unprecedented  sense  of  Christ 
among  us;  and  commanding  dreams  of  his 
commonwealth  are  abroad,  compelling  many 


44  GERMANISM    AND    THE   AMERICAN    CRUSADE 

secret  but  splendid  consecrations.  There  are 
also  those  who,  watching  amidst  the  slaughter 
and  the  desperate  shadows,  are  glimpsing  his 
sudden  peace,  waiting  there,  with  all  its  sur- 
passing ardency  and  strength,  to  spring  upon 
the  shattered  nations.  They  see  him  gather- 
ing these,  healed  and  resurgent,  into  one  ful- 
filling fellowship,  one  ineffable  freedom,  and 
a  common  and  eternal  progress  in  the  bosom 
of  God.  And  it  is  by  this  faith, — it  is  by  this 
faith, — it  is  upon  the  altar  of  some  such  stu- 
pendous expectation  of  Christ, — that  not  a 
few  American  fathers  and  mothers  are  offer- 
ing up  their  willing  and  beloved  sons. 


This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below 


'     JM4SX 


!93tt 


v  4  ti&* 

MAR  2     1957 

(S  APR  881918 

AUG  1 3  udtf 


^     JUN  2  5  1975 
INTEHUBRARY  L^>AN^ 

MAY  14  1975 

IWO  WEEKS  FROM  D^TE  OF  RECOPf 
NON-RENEWABLE 


Form  L-9-35m-8,'28 


II 


3  1158  00778  3235 


U7HVE 


t  i., 
T 

Lifc.     K* 


UftJNj- 


